David N. Dinkins Municipal Building
1 Centre Street 15th Floor North
New York, NY 10007
Email: gethelp@advocate.nyc.gov
Hotline: (212) 669-7250
*Our fax number has changed temporarily while we upgrade our infrastructureJuly 30th, 2024Press Release
"The administration is lying again about this law– which it hasn’t even pretended it was going to follow or read. They have absolutely no idea what’s involved in implementation, because they didn’t try. The Board of Correction unanimously passed rules to facilitate the law taking effect, and the administration ignored them.
"This is not an issue you can ‘take sides’ on. This is the law – passed, then passed again over the mayor’s veto. The ‘law and order’ administration is simply refusing to enforce the law, and not for the first time. They are wrong, factually and morally, and I implore them to stop misleading the city and to start leading it."
July 30th, 2024Press Release
"Now that the administration has decided to ignore the laws it opposes and rewrite the rules that get in its way, the mayor has nominated a corporation counsel who will defend these and future tactics. Randy Mastro’s record does speak for itself, and what it says should cause New Yorkers great concern. Both the Council and our office made these concerns clear for months, and the administration stubbornly insisted upon this nomination. Despite the mayor’s recent power grab through charter revision, the Council still has to vote on this appointment, and I hope they use that power to reject it."
July 29th, 2024Press Release
On Saturday, without adequate public notice or legitimate justification, Mayor Eric Adams declared a “state of emergency” in a last-minute effort to continue solitary confinement in New York City by blocking a law passed to prevent it. The mayor used the ‘state of emergency’ on Rikers as a justification to preserve the status quo of that emergency, rather than allowing a law approved twice by the City Council to take effect. In response, Public Advocate Jumaane D. Williams, prime sponsor of the legislation, urged the mayor to read the law and carry out its provisions.
“I invite the mayor, yet again, to read the legislation he is refusing to implement,” said Public Advocate Jumaane D. Williams. “The mayor continues to believe that his job is to continually ignore and defy the rest of city government and the laws they enact. But the administration’s failure to meaningfully improve the crisis on Rikers is not a valid argument to ignore a law aimed at actually making city jails safer for people on both sides of the bars – addressing the very emergency that the mayor ignored until it was politically necessary. We attempted to work with the administration in good faith throughout the years of deliberations involved in passing this law and were rebuffed – now, we will not allow people to continue to suffer in prolonged isolation as the mayor misleads the city rather than even attempt to carry out the law the Council enacted.”
In attempting to justify yet another move to ignore city laws he opposes, the mayor has argued that the 30-day state of emergency will allow time to review Local Law 42, which was formally introduced two years ago, passed in 2023, and was enacted in a veto override vote six months ago. Despite this ample time to ‘review’ the law, the administration continues to repeat falsehoods about its mandates and process.
In particular, the administration has argued that Local Law 42 entirely prohibits restraining incarcerated individuals, which is belied by the text of the law. The law reads:
In addition, the mayor has argued that the legislation as written does not allow for separation or alternative housing for incarcerated people in the event of violence. On the contrary, provisions for de-escalation confinement are defined extensively in the law itself – which can be read in full here.
After the Mayor’s declaration was made public through press reports, the Public Advocate issued a statement saying in part “This is a shameful tactic, another desperate abuse of power by this administration to try and ignore laws it opposes. Misusing a ‘state of emergency’ is dangerous, especially from a mayor who claims to care about public safety.”
July 27th, 2024Press Release
"This is a shameful tactic, another desperate abuse of power by this administration to try and ignore laws it opposes. Misusing a ‘state of emergency’ is dangerous, especially from a mayor who claims to care about public safety. Any state of emergency on Rikers continues to be caused by an administration that has refused to engage with partners to meaningfully improve conditions, with a preference for covering up the crisis and spreading misinformation.
"Now, the mayor wants to throw out yet another law of our city in order to maintain a status quo that threatens people on both sides of the bars. At the last possible moment, he is declaring an ‘emergency’ without public notification or legitimate justification. It is inexcusable, and we will explore all means of ensuring that this administration cannot continue to abandon its duty to execute the law the Council overwhelmingly approved twice."
July 25th, 2024Press Release
With the Charter Revision Commission set to vote on its proposals later today, the New York Daily News has published an op-ed from Public Advocate Jumaane D. Williams opposing the revisions, entitled 'A mayoral mea culpa in the City Charter.' In the piece, the Public Advocate condemns the proposal which would change the process of enacting public safety legislation, recognizing it as a reaction to the mayor's opposition to How Many Stops Act, his failure to successfully prevent the bill from becoming law, and his attempt to rewrite the rules to his own benefit and the city's detriment.
"A charter revision is supposed to be significant, serious, and designed to last for the long-term," writes Public Advocate Williams. "This one is barely designed to last for a news cycle. The mayor seems to believe the most important issue facing the city is his own backward-looking failure to adequately bully Council members and scare the public into opposing a basic transparency bill, one he pledged to support during his mayoral campaign."
Public Advocate Williams highlights the many problems with the proposed changes to the legislative process, which would require additional barriers to passing legislation related to law enforcement, first pointing out that despite the mayor's misinformation, there was an extensive process involved in passing the legislation, noting it is "Ludicrous to suggest that a bill introduced two years prior to passage, and concepts introduced a decade prior, are rushed... The administration’s failure to pay attention or refusal to honestly engage until the 11th hour are not things we can fix with a charter revision."
He asks "As most New Yorkers know, public safety is all-encompassing, involving areas such as housing, health care, education, and economic development. Is the administration suggesting that any legislation touching these issues should be subject to a new process? Is it suggesting that only bills the police unions pay attention to should face this scrutiny? Or is it simply putting forward an ill-conceived proposal to address a political problem for the mayor?"
The full piece is available online here, and text is below.
A mayoral mea culpa in the City Charter
The How Many Stops Act — a bill to bring basic transparency to NYPD interactions with the public — began its implementation on July 1 after a long campaign by the mayor to mislead the public about the bill, veto it, and be overridden after months of spreading misinformation. But rather than give New Yorkers the confidence that City Hall will faithfully execute the laws, the mayor is trying to rewrite the rules.
Mayor Adams’ Charter Revision Commission, launched in response to the City Council writing basic checks and balances into law, is advancing a bizarre proposal — that “public safety legislation” be subject to a different process than all other bills. It cites the How Many Stops Act as justification, baselessly asserting that there was not ample opportunity for input from the public or stakeholders in the standard process for legislating, notwithstanding the two-year process that took place.
A charter revision is supposed to be significant, serious, and designed to last for the long-term. This one is barely designed to last for a news cycle. The mayor seems to believe the most important issue facing the city is his own backward-looking failure to adequately bully Council members and scare the public into opposing a basic transparency bill, one he pledged to support during his mayoral campaign.
I understand the danger of hastily enacted, poorly thought-out government actions — this commission certainly shines a spotlight on that. But it is ludicrous to suggest that a bill introduced two years prior to passage, and concepts introduced a decade prior, are rushed. That a bill which goes through the normal legislative process is rushed. That there was not ample time for the administration and public to weigh in on the law and its implications.
The administration’s failure to pay attention or refusal to honestly engage until the 11th hour are not things we can fix with a charter revision.
Beneath the obvious and alarming motivations for these suggestions, there are deeper causes for concern about the administration’s governing philosophies. The charter proposal is aimed at legislation impacting public safety — and seems to equate that solely with law enforcement.
A narrow lens on public safety is short-sighted and ineffective. As most New Yorkers know, public safety is all-encompassing, involving areas such as housing, health care, education, and economic development. Is the administration suggesting that any legislation touching these issues should be subject to a new process? Is it suggesting that only bills the police unions pay attention to should face this scrutiny? Or is it simply putting forward an ill-conceived proposal to address a political problem for the mayor?
The charter proposal reassures that the requirement could be “made waivable when necessary,” which raises the question of what this administration deems necessary. When is urgency required? It’s clearly not when documented abuses of stop, question and frisk are on the rise, or individuals in mental health crises are killed by law enforcement.
The mayor has no issue acting rapidly or unilaterally when it comes to things he views as politically advantageous — say, convening a charter commission in the first place. Yet when policies pass which he dislikes, he’ll find every opportunity to slow them down — even now, he’s attempting to block the solitary confinement ban overwhelmingly enacted by the Council six months ago. He wants the authority to act unilaterally or dictatorially on policies he supports, and erect barriers and constraints on his perceived opponents.
Our politics are already being harmed enough by executives who struggle to move past losses, who attempt to consolidate power and diminish the legislature. That ideology is evident here, from public safety to the attempt to block the Council expanded “advice and consent” responsibilities.
There are real questions a charter commission could grapple with, especially one made up of many respectable, accomplished people appointed to this panel. But instead, the mayor has sent this commission hurtling toward foregone conclusions to advance his agenda. A hurried process of poorly promoted hearings has ensured that the mayor’s voice is the loudest echoed in these proposals. This transparent tactic is aimed at the immediate, but its implications could impact decades of governance.
If these proposals make the ballot, the mayor will likely promote them with the same kind of public misinformation campaign he waged against the How Many Stops Act.
New Yorkers should stand against this effort to minimize the City Council, maximize mayoral priorities, and turn short-term political goals into permanent processes.
July 23rd, 2024Press Release
NEW YORK: New York City Public Advocate Jumaane D. Williams testified before the St. Louis Board of Aldermen today as the legislature considers a bill to establish a similar position in their city. In his remarks, he emphasized the importance of an elected, independent ombudsman in city government, speaking to his own experience in the role and offering recommendations for a new office in St. Louis. “There is the stature of the office as a City-wide level elected,” argued Public Advocate Williams after speaking to several recent achievements by his office and outlining the history and powers of the role. “This facilitates the full force of the bully pulpit to bring a voice to the voters that cannot be ignored by the administration nor any other level of government.” The Public Advocate acknowledged some of the challenges of the office, including budget and staff limitations, and urged that a newly created position address these areas from the outset. He reiterated the importance of the role as a counterbalance to other executives. Board Bill 71, legislation from Alderwoman Daniela Velazquez, would put a proposed charter amendment before St. Louis voters to create a position of public advocate and office of public advocacy. Should the City of St. Louis move forward in creating the position, Public Advocate Williams recommended that:
Watch the Public Advocate’s full testimony and dialogue with the St. Louis Board of Aldermen here.